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Summary
Chapter Summaries & Analyses
Volume 1, Part 1, Introduction
Volume 1, Part 1, Chapters 1-2
Volume 1, Part 1, Chapters 3-4
Volume 1, Part 1, Chapter 5
Volume 1, Part 1, Chapters 6-7
Volume 1, Part 1, Chapter 8
Volume 1, Part 2, Chapters 1-2
Volume 1, Part 2, Chapters 3-4
Volume 1, Part 2, Chapter 5
Volume 1, Part 2, Chapter 6
Volume 1, Part 2, Chapter 7
Volume 1, Part 2, Chapter 8
Volume 1, Part 2, Chapters 9-10
Volume 2, Notice
Volume 2, Part 1, Chapters 1-2
Volume 2, Part 1, Chapters 3-5
Volume 2, Part 1, Chapters 6-8
Volume 2, Part 1, Chapters 9-10
Volume 2, Part 1, Chapters 11-12
Volume 2, Part 1, Chapters 13-15
Volume 2, Part 1, Chapters 16-19
Volume 2, Part 1, Chapters 20-21
Volume 2, Part 2, Chapters 1-3
Volume 2, Part 2, Chapters 4-7
Volume 2, Part 2, Chapters 8-12
Volume 2, Part 2, Chapters 13-17
Volume 2, Part 2, Chapters 18-20
Volume 2, Part 3, Chapters 1-4
Volume 2, Part 3, Chapters 5-7
Volume 2, Part 3, Chapters 8-12
Volume 2, Part 3, Chapters 13-16
Volume 2, Part 3, Chapters 17-20
Volume 2, Part 3, Chapters 21-26
Volume 2, Part 4, Chapters 1-3
Volume 2, Part 4, Chapters 4-6
Volume 2, Part 4, Chapters 7-8
Key Figures
Themes
Index of Terms
Important Quotes
Essay Topics
Tools
Tocqueville begins with the qualification that while America is undeniably democratic, he is far from certain American laws should be adopted universally. He notes that “laws of democracy generally tend to the good of the greatest number […] the object of democracy in its legislation is more useful to humanity than is the object of aristocracy in its” (221).
Overall, however, Tocqueville considers aristocrats superior legislators, since, “it [aristocracy] knows the art of making the collective force of all its laws converge at the same time toward the same point” (222). In contrast, democracy depends on its ability to make “repairable mistakes” and on a shared interest between officials and citizens (222). This prevents officials from “impressing an exclusive and dangerous style on the government” (223). Public officials have “no class interest to make prevail” (224), which means that their government is overall better for the population. Tocqueville may be more sympathetic to the greater skills of aristocratic individuals, but he considers their results overall less successful. He also notes that popular participation increases patriotism among Americans, which may be crucial for European nations seeking to get support of their populations.
Tocqueville emphasizes that he is an ardent supporter of the idea of political and social rights. He writes, “The idea of rights is nothing other than the idea of virtue introduced into the political world,” and in its absence the world would be ruled only by “force” (227). Americans recognize rights because they enjoy them; this explains why private property is universally recognized as good. Tocqueville argues that rights are the only reliable replacement for aristocratic values of religion and government by monarchy and nobility. Tocqueville argues that this understanding of rights takes time to properly develop, which he calls “the apprenticeship of freedom” (229).
Tocqueville argues that most Americans have a strong respect for the law, as they know it is a product of the majority. If they disagree with one law, they may find themselves in need of another—joining the majority is always possible. Rich individuals may not identify the law with their own interest, but they fear breaking it. All citizens understand that imperfect laws can be changed in the American system.
Americans are constantly politically active. Tocqueville insists, “To meddle in the government of society and to speak about it is the greatest business and, so to speak, the only pleasure that an American knows” (232). Democratic government may not produce greatness, but it does produce material prosperity and peaceful society.
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By Alexis de Tocqueville