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The Indigenous people following the Europeans no longer steal everything when they arrive in a new village. Instead, the villagers freely give them everything they own before joining the large following so as to be recompensed later on. They travel 50 leagues through inhospitable desert until they arrive in a village where they receive so many gifts that they can’t carry them all.
The Europeans want to go westwards, but their followers refuse, since the Indigenous people to the west are their enemies. The Europeans feign anger to compel the Indigenous people to guide them; when eight people suddenly fall ill and die, the Indigenous followers become afraid and entreat the Europeans for forgiveness.
After three days, they arrive in a village where they find dwellings “that were like real houses” (83). Its inhabitants are hostile to the Europeans’ followers, so only the Europeans accompany them to their village, naming the group “Natives of the Cow” (84). The Indigenous people throw a large celebration, boiling their food by using hot rocks, but lament that they have no corn because of a drought. They ask the Europeans to pray for rain, which they agree to do.
The Europeans travel towards the sunset for 17 days with little to eat. They come across a group of Indigenous people who eat powdered straw for one third of the year due to the scarcity of food in the region. They then find a much more prosperous group, whose permanent houses contain plenty of corn, beans, squash, and cotton blankets. From there, they travel 100 leagues to another set of houses, whose inhabitants want the Europeans to make the sign of the cross over them and give them many gifts. The Indigenous people believe the Europeans come from Heaven: “What they do not understand or is new to them they are wont to say comes from above” (87). The Europeans teach the many different peoples they encounter about Christianity.
In one village, the Indigenous people give Dorantes 600 hearts of deer. People south of this village eat predominantly powdered foxtail grass, straw, and fish. Further south, near the coast, there are many peoples who grow three types of beans and corn and use a very toxic poison from a tree. When Castillo notices an Indigenous man with a sword belt buckle, the Europeans learn that another group of Europeans often raids the area. Saddened and overjoyed to hear about others like them, Cabeza de Vaca and the others are worried that Indigenous people might take revenge on them “in retaliation for what the Christians did to [the Indigenous people]” (90). But this is not the case, and they are continually treated well by those they encounter.
Their followers send out messengers to gather as many people as possible, though they find very few Indigenous people—many are hiding from the other European group, who might kill or enslave them. There are many signs of gold and other metals in the area, though the inhabitants of permanent dwellings have no interest in gold or silver.
Cabeza de Vaca, Estevanico, and 11 Indigenous people go out to search for the other Europeans, while Dorantes and Castillo remain behind. Cabeza de Vaca travels ten leagues before he comes across white horsemen who are astonished to find him dressed as and in the company of Indigenous people and escort him to their commander, Diego de Alcazar. Cabeza de Vaca informs him about Dorantes, Castillo, and the Indigenous followers. Alcazar sends out three horsemen and 50 Indigenous people; Estevanico goes along as guide. Cabeza de Vaca asks for a certified statement of the date and his physical condition.
Diego de Alcazar asks Cabeza de Vaca to send word to any Indigenous people still in hiding to come and bring supplies. Cabeza de Vaca quarrels with the European enslavers over their treatment of the Indigenous people. After Cabeza de Vaca tells the Indigenous people to go back to their villages, the other Europeans try to persuade the Indigenous people to ignore him. However, the Indigenous people will only listen to Cabeza de Vaca: “In short, they recalled all our deeds, and praised them highly, contrasting them with the conduct of the others” (96). With some difficulty, Cabeza de Vaca convinces the Indigenous people that they should return home. He claims that the Indigenous people will now live peacefully and productively—if not, it will be the fault of the Europeans. Still, although Cabeza de Vaca does his best to ensure the freedom of the Indigenous people, the other Europeans raid and capture those going back to their homes.
Despite his faith-based mission, Cabeza de Vaca eyes the land and people he encounters with an eye towards colonization: He reports on the precious metals to be found in Sonora and on the potential for the land of southeast Texas to support agriculture and livestock. Moreover, he argues that Indigenous peoples should be converted to Catholicism—though in a peaceful way, if possible. Cabeza de Vaca’s opinion may be shaped by the fact that Indigenous people viewed the Europeans with awe and even fear. Cabeza de Vaca and the others reached a point where they could do no wrong, because their followers viewed them as too powerful to refute. This lends credence to Cabeza de Vaca’s claims that their prayers to heal the sick worked—that performed enough good deeds to have amassed a high reputation. Of course, it is quite possible that Cabeza de Vaca exaggerates in an effort to prove his unique abilities and popularity among the Indigenous population, seeking a return to a governorship when he published the second edition of his chronicle.
Notably, as Cabeza de Vaca progressed southwards into modern-day Mexico, the peoples he encountered were increasingly sedentary, remaining in a given area and practicing agriculture, such as growing three types of corn and beans a year. These tribes, most likely a part of the Pueblo peoples, have much more abundance and more permanent dwellings, and are less warlike. Moreover, these Indigenous people are much more liberal with their gifts either because they have more to give, or because they will have opportunity to recover their goods from future contacts. At one point, Cabeza de Vaca received so much that it was impossible to carry.
Cabeza de Vaca never viewed Indigenous people as equals, deriding Indigenous assumptions as evidence of simple-mindedness: “What they do not understand or is new to them they are wont to say comes from above” (87). Obviously, a secular, modern reader notices the irony that this superstitiousness parallels the 16th-century Christian habit of attributing the inexplicable to God. Cabeza de Vaca assumed that Indigenous people were blank slates, “well made and apt to follow any line that is well traced for them” (88). In essence, Cabeza de Vaca argues that the Indigenous people are malleable enough to fall under white hegemony, with its strict social hierarchy, which of course would place the Indigenous people on the lowest rung. However, the reader should also bear in mind that during Cabeza de Vaca’s governorship he fought for Indigenous rights, which was controversial and eventually lost him his governorship.
Chapters 30-34 contain many interesting tidbits about the peoples and landscape. In Chapter 32, for example, Cabeza de Vaca mentions a poison from a certain tree that causes the animals to explode. This is most likely the manchineel tree (Hippomane mancinella), also known as beach apple, one of the most toxic in the world. This tree is very aptly named in Spanish as “manzanilla de la Muerte” (apple of death).
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