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Arc of Justice

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 2004

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Chapter 8-EpilogueChapter Summaries & Analyses

Chapter 8 Summary: “The Prodigal Son”

On October 8, 1925, James Weldon Johnson telegraphs Clarence Darrow's Chicago office to give him the information about Ossian and the others' case, which he calls a "supreme test of the constitutional guarantees of American Negro citizens" (229). Darrow's secretary replies that Darrow isn't in Chicago, but in Manhattan visiting his friend and fellow attorney, Arthur Garfield Hays. Johnson, Walter White, Arthur Spingarn, and Charles Studin, Spingarn's law partner, head to Hays' home to visit Darrow. They find the man dressed but propped in bed. Spingarn lays outs Ossian's case for Darrow, who feigns resistance to taking it on, though he knows he will. Darrow decides to accept, partly out of a lifelong interest in the plight of black Americans, but also to further the celebrity status his past cases have conferred on him. His friend, Arthur Garfield Hays, also says he will join the defense.

On Saturday, October 10, Walter White travels back to Detroit to break the news to Julian Perry, Cecil Rowlette, and Charles Mahoney. Though White anticipates resistance from the attorneys, they accept the addition of Darrow and Haysto their team; White promises each of the men fifteen hundred dollars, to be paid by the Detroit branch of the NAACP. White then goes to meet with the Reverend Joseph Gomez, who had started the rival defense fund for Ossian and the others. White uses "a little judicious flattery" (240) to get the Reverend Gomez to turn over the two thousand dollars his cause had raised. White succeeds in both securing the money and the support of the entire black community in Detroit.

On Thursday, October 15, Johnson delivers the news of Darrow's hiring to the nation's major newspapers. Johnson designs his press release to appeal to both black Americans and white progressives, hoping for the support of both in trying to get the progressives on the NAACP's board to "take notice of the association's battle to beat back the segregationist tide." In the release, Johnson says that if a black person can't defend his own home in Detroit, he certainly can't hope to do so anywhere else in the country. Johnson also calls the practice of segregation "absurd and un-American" (241), warning white America that segregation by race could lead to segregation by creed. Newspapers "down the east coast urban corridor" pick up the Sweets’ story immediately. In Detroit, coverage of Darrow's visit to Judge Frank Murphy's courtroom gets more press coverage than the first major appearance of "the Klan's mayoral candidate," who had swept "the city primary ten days earlier" (242).

Back at the Wayne County Jail, things begin to improve for Ossian and the others. On Tuesday, October 6, Gladys is released after friends of her parents post her bail. The group receives a vague but promising telegram from Walter White saying that he is in negotiations with one of America's "most eminent criminal lawyers" (243). It's not until October 15 that the group learns that the lawyer is Clarence Darrow, when he arrives at the jail. Through empathetic talks with Ossian and the others, Darrow encourages the men to drop their story and admit that they had shot at the mob. Darrow feels confident that he can make a case for self-defense, and slowly the others begin to warm up to the idea. Darrow's presence stirs excitement at the jail, among guards, inmates, and even on the outside.

Black publications nationwide begin giving more coverage to the Sweets’ story, especially "the news of Darrow's hiring." Overnight, Ossian finds himself "a national symbol of New Negro militancy" (245)—a black homeowner who would not cower before the violence of a white mob. Ossian even finds himself being written about by W.E.B Du Bois in Crisis. Du Bois places Ossian "in explicit contrast to Alexander Turner" (247), Ossian's colleague who had turned over the deed to his home after being attacked. All this publicity brings in more money for the NAACP's cause, and opportunities for Gladys to become the face of the case. She attends rallies, NAACP meetings, and a benefit at the Arcadia Ballroom, where she and Ossian had met years before.

Walter White decides to meet with Judge Frank Murphy before the trial. In Murphy's courtroom, White finds himself "bathed in Murphy's self-conscious compassion." Murphy insists that he will do everything he can to secure a fair and "color-blind courtroom" (249). This strikes White as sincere. Judge Murphy gives Darrow two weeks to prepare for trial, not much time. Darrow and his team get to work right away, amassing evidence in the form of testimony, newspaper stories, essays on race relations, and Cecil Rowlette's motion to dismiss the case. From this motion, Hays and Darrow "stripped away" (254) the question of who fired the shot and instead focus on whether the people on Garland Avenue constituted a mob. This defense will rely on a precedent from an 1860 Michigan state supreme court decision which ruled that a person has the right to defend their life and property against a mob, no matter if their perception of "the mob's intentions proved to be incorrect" (255).

The trial begins on Friday, October 30. Gathered in Judge Murphy's small but stylish courtroom, the prosecutors, Robert Toms and Ted Kennedy, begin jury selection from the group of "one hundred and twenty potential jurors" (258) Murphy had summoned. After hours, the prosecution has reached a group of twelve jurors they find acceptable. Darrow approaches the group and begins his questions, speaking "in a casual way" as would "two strangers…in a corner bar making conversation" (259). Darrow breaks with his casual tone when he gets one juror to admit that he belongs to the KKK. With a snarl, Darrow asks the man to step down. 

Chapter 9 Summary: “Prejudice”

On Tuesday, November 3, Johnny Smith wins reelection by a "31,000 vote margin" (264), having secured a majority of votes on the city's east side, and even winning some of the west side, including the Garland Avenue area. This victory gives Darrow hope that, following the trial's weekend recess, favorable jury selection will be possible. When, on Wednesday afternoon, Darrow and the prosecution come to an agreement on the jury's composition, Darrow is pleased. All of the jurors are white men, though, "every one of them was related to immigrants." Some were homeowners, some retired, all were working class. After the jury selection, Darrow remarks that "the case is won or lost now" (267).

The court proceedings resume on Thursday, November 5, as prosecutor Robert Toms begins his interrogation of his witnesses: "twenty policemen" and "forty-one of the Sweets’ Garland Avenue neighbors" (267), chosen with the help of the Waterworks Park Improvement Association. Toms calls Inspector Schuknecht to the stand and the man sticks to his original story that "there was no crowd on the street" (269), nor had anyone "been throwing rocks or yelling or threatening the bungalow…before the Negroes opened fire" (269). Each of the other policemen confirm this version of events, emphasizing the small size of the crowd and the emptiness of the Sweets’ house, implying that the Sweets had moved in not with the intention of living there, but to provoke the neighborhood. The neighbors, on the other hand, stumble a few times in their testimony. Some can't recall anything, some claim they heard breaking glass before the gunfire, and some say they saw "a great number" (271) of people gathered outside the Sweets' home, though they all revise their stories to match the prosecution's version. By the end of the questionings, though, "the prosecution's case started to seem ironclad" (273).

Darrow, like Toms, decides to take a gentle approach to his cross-examination. Beginning with Inspector Schuknecht, Darrow begins to tear holes in the prosecution's carefully manipulated version of the event. After four hours of questioning, Darrow transforms Schuknecht from an "authority figure" to the kind of "sullenly indifferent cop" (274) familiar to some of the jurors. By the end of his cross-examination, Schuknecht admits that in the Sweets’ bedroom he found not only a bed, but a rock and glass "shards scattered about the room" (275). Darrow gets Ray Dove and others from the neighborhood to admit that they did not "want coloreds in their neighborhood" (277), and exposes the Waterworks Park Improvement Association's terrorist intentions of keeping Garland Avenue "lily-white." Darrow also, with a "softer approach" (278), gets thirteen-year-olds George Suppus and Ulric Arthur to admit that they had seen kids throwing rocks at the Sweets’ house before shots were fired.

On Saturday, November 14, Arthur Hays and Clarence Darrow decide how to prepare the defense's case. Hays makes a motion to the court to dismiss all charges, based on his demand that the prosecution present a "bill of particulars,” which stated that the state's case rests on "a charge of conspiracy." Hays, appealing to both logic and flattery of Judge Murphy, states that "the prosecution hadn't presented the court a single shred of evidence" establishing a conspiracy among the accused. Hays tells Judge Murphy that anyone with the judge's "learning and knowledge" (284) can see that this case must be thrown out. As though orchestrated, Iva Sweet, Ossian and Gladys's baby, cries out from the back of the courtroom, which Hays hopes will sway the judge's sympathies. For his part, Darrow emphasizes how the prosecution's witnesses have "purposely and consistently misstated the facts in the case" (285).

On Monday, November 15, Toms offers to drop the charges against Gladys. Gladys refuses, though, and ultimately Judge Murphy decides to set the motion aside. It's unclear whether he does this in hopes of securing white votes for his future mayoral campaign, or if he feels that a verdict passed down by a jury will have a greater impact than one handed down by a judge.

As the trial continues, the defense calls its witnesses. Hays begins his opening statements by telling the jury Ossian's story, asking Ossian to rise so the jury can "look you over" (287) as Hays tells of Ossian's journey from poverty to medical school to buying a home on Garland Avenue. After this, Hays calls John Fletcher and Vollington Bristol to the stand to recount their own brushes with white mob violence. Hays brings Gladys' friends Serena Rochelle and Edna Butler. He calls Philip Adler, the white Detroit News reporter whose story of seeing the mob four hundred people deep had been buried. Hays calls on the black couples and individuals who had driven by the intersection of Garland and Charlevoix, who had witnessed the mob and police barricade.

Finally, Hays calls Ossian to the stand. In "his precise and methodical way," Hays walks the jury through Ossian's entire life story, from "Bartow to Howard, Detroit to Paris, and back again." Hays asks Ossian to recount the "litany of horrors" (288) he witnessed, acts of violence against blacks, throughout his life. Ossian recalls the immolation of Fred Rochelle, the riots in Washington, the pogrom in Chicago, and finally the attacks on black homeowners on Detroit's west side the past July. When Toms objects to this line of questioning, Darrow interjects, as he had during his famous defense of Leopold and Loeb, that these questions establish "the psychology of the race" (289). Judge Murphy allows Hays to continue. Hays concludes his questioning by asking Ossian to recount his version of the events on Garland Avenue. Ossian relays his fears, the menace of the crowd, "like a human sea" (290), the barrage of projectiles, and, finally, hearing gunfire break out.

On Monday, November 23, the final witness steps down and the attorneys give their closing arguments. Lester Moll, prosecutor Toms' assistant, delivers the prosecution's by "building a gigantic structure of reason." He hopes the jury will take the defense as nothing more than a "fear complex theory," incapable of standing up to the law and logic. Hays starts off the defense's statement by quoting Harlem Renaissance poet Countee Cullen and pleading with the jurors to seize the "opportunity to write a charter of freedom" (291). Finally, Darrow takes his turn, speaking for three hours on Monday and resuming at nine o'clock Tuesday morning. He keeps a casual tone, admitting that "the jurors surely were prejudiced…as was he" (292). However, he says, the jurors are not sointolerant as their Klansmen peers. The jurors are, in fact, capable of seeing that the black people on trial, and those called to the witness stand, are "as intelligent, as attractive, as good-looking as any white man or woman" (293). Darrow continues by explicating the generations-long plight of African-Americans, brought to the country as slaves, then subjected to systemic violence and oppression upon being freed. He then positions Ossian as a "hero who fought a brave fight against fearful odds" in defending his home, "integrity and the independence of the abused race to which he belonged" (294). Darrow ends by asking the jurors to "see that no harm" comes to Ossian the others on "behalf of justice" and "in the name of the future" (295).

The jurors begin their deliberation on Wednesday, November 25, the day before Thanksgiving. Confident that the jurors will reach an amenable verdict, Ossian, Gladys, and the others chat and laugh, "as if the verdict were a foregone conclusion" (296). Hays and Walter White buy tickets to catch the seven o'clock train back to Manhattan, and Darrow heads out to dinner with his wife. However, the jurors do not come to an easy conclusion. They want to know if they can convict some but not all of the accused, and whether the murder could be justified if Dr. Sweet's perception of danger was wrong. The attorneys confirm both. The deliberations drag out until Friday afternoon, the jurors having eaten Thanksgiving dinner at a nearby hotel. From inside the deliberation room comes the occasional shout or "crash of furniture" (298). Some of the jurors want to let all of the accused walk free, while others want to see Ossian, Henry Sweet, and Leonard Morse convicted of second-degree murder. When by Friday afternoon the jurors haven't been able to reach a verdict they all agree upon, Judge Murphy declares a mistrial.

Chapter 10 Summary: “Judgment Day”

Following Judge Murphy's decision, Clarence Darrow, Arthur Garfield Hays, and Walter White leave Detroit with haste. Darrow and Hays ask for each accused to be released on bail and request "separate trials for each defendant" (300) in the future. After returning to Manhattan, White makes efforts to maintain good relationships with Hays, Frank Murphy, and even prosecutor Robert Toms, knowing that this might come in handy for the defendants' future trials. White also knows that the NAACP will need much more money to pay for each of the defendants' trials.

In Manhattan, White and James Weldon Johnson use the publicity and momentum generated by interest in the Sweets’ trial to begin fundraising for their Legal Defense Fund. White uses his connections to the luminaries of the Harlem Renaissance to orchestrate "a Park Avenue fund-raiser” and solicits his friends in the literary world to do an interest piece on the Sweets. In December 1925, Clarence Darrow, a hero of the trial, arrives in New York City. He attends a meeting of the NAACP at Salem Methodist Episcopal in Harlem and delivers a speech in which he condemns "the Noble Nordics" (303) of the KKK. By the end of the day, the NAACP has received $5,057 in donations.

Though Joe Mack and Norris Murray, the two working class defendants struggle to get their bail paid, Detroit's Talented Tenth clamor to post Ossian's bond. Rather than return to the bungalow on Garland Avenue right away, as Hays had "desperately wanted" (304) Ossian to do, Ossian joins Gladys in the rented flat a mile northwest of Garland. During the trial, a police force had kept watch over the Sweets’ home and prevented a gasoline-soaked rag thrown into the garage from starting a serious fire, but they leave as soon as the trial ends.

Ossian and Gladys arrive in New York on January 3, 1926. Walter White sets the couple on a "six-day tour of NAACP branches" (306), with Ossian holding forth in increasingly egotistic ways. Though this annoys Gladys and Robert Bagnall, Gladys' former pastor who is the Sweets’ handler in New York, Ossian's appearances bring in enough money to surpass the Legal Defense Fund's original goal. By the end of the tour, the fund has seventy-six thousand dollars in it, "enough to carry" the "pending cases" (307).

The first great test of the Legal Defense Fund comes when James Weldon Johnson and the NAACP's case against restrictive covenants gets its day in the United States Supreme Court. On January 8, 1926, NAACP lawyers James Cobb, Arthur Spingarn, Moorfield Storey, and Louis Marshal present their arguments to the court, presided over by Chief Justice William Howard Taft. Storey begins the NAACP's case, but stumbles through it due to "age and illness" (308). Marshall picks up, but quickly realizes that his argument is "by necessity, complex." He tries to argue that the restrictive covenants violate the equal protection granted to black Americans by clauses in the fourteenth and fifteenth constitutional amendments, but knows, as private covenants, they fall "outside the amendments' purview" (309). He instead argues that though the covenants may exist, legally, their discriminatory nature should prohibit judges from enforcing those provisions, citing the Louisville decision as precedent.

Back in Detroit, awaiting trial, Ossian keeps up an appearance of confidence and optimism. Even the news that his brother Henry will be tried before any other defendant, starting on April 1, does not make a dent in Ossian's optimism. Darrow shares Ossian's outlook. He feels that it was a mistake to try the eleven defendants as a group, rather than getting the jury to either send someone to prison or let them go. When other obligations keep Arthur Garfield Hays from returning to the defense team, White hires Thomas Chawke, "the Detroit mob's favorite" (315) attorney, at Darrow's insistence.

When Henry Sweet's trial finally begins in late April, Darrow learns that prosecutor Robert Toms will only try the other defendants if Henry gets convicted. If not, all charges will be dropped. During jury selection, Darrow and Chawke systematically winnow down the group from 198 to 12 men, all of whom they believe won't exercise racist prejudices. Though Toms objects to the way Darrow does this, introducing the defense's argument as a way of screening the potential jurors, Judge Murphy allows it.

During the trial, Toms again brings out the police officers and Garland Avenue residents from the original trial. He asks them the same kinds of questions, and the defense, again, tries to get the witnesses to reveal that they've been coached into "hedging, quibbling, and lying" (322) on the stand. This time, though, Darrow and Chawke focus on exposing the Waterworks Park Improvement Association's true intention: protecting "property from colored people" (323). To do this, Darrow uses a much more aggressive approach in his cross-examination, getting multiple witnesses to admit they joined the Association to keep black people out of the neighborhood. In a particularly aggressive show of force, Darrow gets Alf Andrews, the witness who revealed there were six or seven hundred people in the Garland Avenue mob, to say that the Association's schoolyard rally had featured a speaker from the Tireman Avenue Improvement Association. Darrow gets Andrews to further admit that the man, "a radical" (325), advocated for the use of violence to get black people to leave the neighborhood.

After the cross-examination, Darrow and Chawke call the same group of witnesses to the stand from the first trial: Edna Butler, Serena Rochelle, Philip Adler, the black individuals who had driven by the Sweets’ home, and finally, Ossian. During Toms' cross-examination, Ossian falters only once, revealing that he had supplied the men in his house with guns on the night of the incident. Toms asks Ossian why he said he didn't on the night he was questioned at Wayne County Jail, and Ossian admits that, being denied an attorney, he was scared "to make an incriminating statement" (327).

The following Monday, the prosecution and defense make their closingstatements. The prosecution, led by Lester Moll, asks the jurors to consider not Ossian's beleaguered family history, so eloquently told by the defense, but "the dead body of Leon Breiner" (329), just as Toms had done in the previous trial. When Chawke gives his statement, he appeals to current Detroit politics, citing Mayor Johnny Smith's recent victory as something to stand behind. Chawke asks whether the jurors will follow the man they put in office "under the standard of tolerance and charity and good will toward all men" (330) when they make their verdict decision. Darrow, delivering his statement the following morning to a packed courtroom, holds up Ossian as "the embodiment of the American dream" (332), while ridiculing the ignorance of the Garland Avenue residents, who can't even properly pronounce the name of their own street: Goethe. He then launches, once again, into a recounting of the horrors black Americans have suffered, from slavery to lynching, and asks the jurors, after six hours of speaking, "in the name of progress and the human race" (334), to return a verdict of not guilty. When Toms delivers the prosecution's final statements the next morning, it has all the charisma of "the clatter of folding chairs after a symphony concert" (335).

Judge Frank Murphy issues a final statement on the morning of May 13 to the jurors before they begin their deliberations: "all men are equal before the law" (335). With that, the twelve men adjourn to discuss their verdict. Knowing that it could take some time, Darrow, Chawke, and their wives and friends also adjourn to a nearby speakeasy. They return to the court room around four o'clock. When Judge Murphy summons the jury's foreman and asks if they've reached a decision, the man says that they have: "not guilty." A "single burst of cheer" (336) rings out in the court room as Darrow, Chawke, and James Weldon Johnson begin congratulating each other. Ossian Sweet sits by himself, in the row behind his brother, Henry, with his head in his hands. 

Epilogue Summary: “Requiescam”

A month after Henry Sweet's trial, the NAACP holds its annual convention on Chicago's south side. Along with James Weldon Johnson, W.E.B. Du Bois, and Walter White, Clarence Darrow appears to give a speech, proclaiming that prejudice, though still "a mighty force," is on its way to "being defeated" (337). Darrow gets appointed to the executive board of the NAACP and continues to handle defense for various NAACP-sponsored cases. Walter White, who replaces James Weldon Johnson after Johnson steps down to pursue a professorship at Fisk, spends the next two decades putting Johnson's Legal Defense Fund to use. The NAACP helps to dismantle some of the prejudices of "the southern system," including segregation of "interstate transportation" (342).

Many others involved in the casecontinue the case's cause. Arthur Garfield Hays continues litigation for racial justice, and Reinhold Niebuhr, appointed by Johnny Smith to a commission on race relations in Detroit, presents to Mayor Smith "a marvelous piece of social research…detailing the depths of discrimination black Detroiters faced." Niebuhr goes on to write books about "man's duty to confront society's sins" (340) that prove profoundly influential to activists like Martin Luther King, Jr. Robert Toms becomes a circuit court judge and "a solid support of civil rights," later presiding over the trial for Nazi war crimes at Nuremberg. Finally, Frank Murphy, champion of the working people, climbs his way to Attorney General of the United States, "always with the studied sympathy for the underdog" (341).

Unfortunately, Thomas Chawke returns to defending his regular mobster clients, and Mayor Johnny Smith gets run out of further political aspirations by "Detroit's elite" (339). In the weeks after Henry's trial, the Supreme Court rules against the NAACP's restrictive covenant case. This decision allows for a solidifying of the color line's proliferation across the country. 

Ossian and Gladys return to the apartment they've rented, relieved that there will be no further trials. However, Gladys learns that she's contracted tuberculosisfrom her stay in jail and passed it on to their two-year-old daughter, Iva. Gladys and Iva move to Tucson, Arizona where the dry air "was better for their damaged lungs" (344), but to no avail. Iva passes away in August, 1926. When the funeral cortege arrives at the cemetery in Detroit, the white groundskeeper tells Ossian they have to go through the back entrance. Ossian pulls out a gun and demands

the man open the gates. Gladys passes away in 1928 at the age of twenty-seven. Ossian moves into the bungalow on Garland Avenue and opens his own practice in a drugstore he buys in Black Bottom. He buys property around Bartow and visits it to tend his citrus trees. He also starts running a series of "small, rival hospitals in the heart of the ghetto" that compete with Dunbar Memorial. He marries twice, both end in divorce, and one in accusations of physical abuse by Ossian. He takes in a few teens from Black Bottom and offers to adopt them, but they refuse as Ossian subjects the teens to the "sort of backbreaking labor" he'd done as a young man. Ossian runs for president of the Detroit branch of the NAACP against members of the Talented Tenth who had "rushed to his defense five years earlier" (345). They never forgive him. Ossian also runs, unsuccessfully, for office in the state Senate and U.S. Congress. Unable to pay off the house on Garland Avenue, Ossian sells the property to a family of black, Southern migrants, and moves into a space above his office. On March 20, 1960, having lost everything he had, Ossian Sweet kills himself with a handgun in his home.

Chapter 8-Epilogue Analysis

Darrow comes to the aid of Ossian and the others in both a self-serving and community-minded way. As a young man growing up in a liberal household and exposed to abolitionist thought, Darrow has a longstanding interest in "colored people." He understands that though he lives in America because he wants to, "the ancestors of negroes" (230) were brought to America against their will and forced into servitude. This knowledge allows Darrow a depth of compassion unknown to most of white America in 1925. However, Darrow is more interested in disrupting the status quo than anything else, particularly as "champion of the embattled working class" (233). He sees society as "organized injustice" and uses the high profile cases he chooses to "attack the status quo and proclaim the modernist creed" (234). Darrow also refuses to go into court with "painstaking preparation," instead preferring to rely on "wit, manipulation, and his incomparable persuasive powers" (256) to win the case.

The Detroit mayoral campaigns of 1925 mirror the city's attitudes toward segregation and the color line. While incumbent Jimmy Smith proclaims solidarity with Detroit's black and immigrant communities, condemning his opponent Charles Bowles' affiliation with the Ku Klux Klan, not once in his campaign does Smith "defend the right of colored families to live wherever they pleased" nor call out racist "banks, insurance companies, builders, and real estate agents" (253) who keep black communities confined to Black Bottom. Smith does this to avoid alienating native white voters who might not be aligned with the KKK's values.

In his jury selection, Darrow has his own prejudices. He hopes to find people who were "looked down on" just because of their class or race and quickly realizes that Detroit is filled with just those kinds of people. The mayoral elections make this clear, as Smith rallies immigrants and black communities alike, and his allies, the religious leaders and newspapers join in his fight against the Klan's vicious brand of Americanism. Darrow believes that women, with their newly won right to serve, take their service too seriously; he believes that wealthy jurors and prohibitionists will convict anyone. He hopes for "florid Catholics, freethinking Germans, and misty-eyed Irishmen" (262).

As James Weldon Johnson and Walter White begin raising the thirty thousand dollars they need to secure an additional fifteen from the Garland Fund, White discovers that, though he's an exemplary defense attorney, Clarence Darrow may not be the most exemplary man. In his element, Darrow gives talks around Detroit on evolution, crime and punishment, birth control, and tears down the "eugenicists and white supremacists, capitalists, socialist, anarchists" and anyone else who believes they're "more decent" (280) than the rest of humanity. However, Darrow also makes unreturned advances on married women, even in the presence of his wife. At an event attended by mostly black people, Darrow makes a speech about how black people may have been better off as "savages in Africa" (281) and downplays the plight of black Americans by saying that the same would happen to whites in "the Congo" (282). He also admits that he doesn't believe the color line can be stopped. Regardless, Darrow's presence brings in money for the NAACP's Legal Defense Fund.

Each attorney takes a very different approach to their interactions with the jurors. After the first trial, Julian Perry, a black lawyer for the defense, laments that the defense had no local face, just "high-priced outsiders" (311). Thomas Chawke, the Detroit attorney brought in to replace Hays during Henry's trial, sees the case not as an act of solidarity with the black community, but "nothing more than business" (315). Arthur Garfield Hays relies on a logic-based approach for his defense, often going over the heads of the working-class jurors with his allusions to poetry. Prosecutor Robert Toms hopes to beat Clarence Darrow at his own game by remaining calm and professional in his interrogations, rather than using the "bombast and bluster" of Darrow's previous opponents, like William Jennings Bryan. As Toms reflected years after the trial, he "was almost obsequious at times" and "showed [Darrow] the utmost deference" (268). Darrow, though, practices a quiet though powerful form of rhetoric that positions the jurors as his peers, with whom he's having a casual conversation. This conversational tone allows at least a few of the jurors to see things Darrow's way. In his closing arguments, however, Darrow, once again, admits that he can "see no way" to help solve the problems of systemic racism. Caving to the political climate of the time, like Mayor Johnny Smith, Darrow asks the white jurors for "nothing more than tolerance" (295) of their black compatriots.

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